Biography of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: Family, Lifestyle, Freedom struggle, Protest, leadership

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Vallabhbhai Patel

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel ( 21 October 19 - 16 December 190) was a political and social leader of India who made significant contributions to the country's struggle for independence and led the unification of a united, independent India. He is known as Sardar in India and all over the world. Also known as the Iron Man because of his strong morale.

He was brought up in Karamsad village of Gujarat and his education was mainly through self-study. Vallabhbhai Patel was a lawyer. And during his successful advocacy, he was greatly influenced by the work and ideology of Mahatma Gandhi. He then organized the farmers of the Kheda, Borsad, and Bardoli villages of Gujarat and staged satyagrahas against the atrocities of the British. 

Due to this role, he was considered an influential leader of Gujarat. He then also led the Indian National Congress and led uprisings and political events. He organized the party in the 18th and 19th elections and he played a leading role in the Quit India movement.

As India's first Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel organized aid for refugees in Punjab and Delhi. And led efforts to restore peace across the country. The Sardar united 8 semi-autonomous kingdoms and the princely states of the British Raj and set about building a united India. With his candid diplomacy and readiness to use the required force, the Sardar's leadership coordinated every Indian princely state in India. 

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Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
Biography of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: Family, Lifestyle, Freedom struggle, Protest, leadership
1st Deputy Prime Minister
On the post
15 August 19 - 18 December 190
Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru
PredecessorEstablishment of position
SubsequentMorarji Desai
Home Minister
On the post
15 August 19 - 18 December 190
Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru
PredecessorEstablishment of position
SubsequentC. Rajagopalachari
Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army
On the post
15 August 19 - 18 December 190
Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru
PredecessorEstablishment of position
SubsequentDisplacement of position
Personal details
Born
Vallabhbhai Zaverbhai Patel
31 October 1875
Nadiad, Bombay Presidency, British India (now GujaratIndia )
Death
15 December 1950 (aged 75)
Mumbai , Greater Mumbai, India
Political partyIndian National Congress
SpouseZareba
Children
Maniben Patel
Dahyabhai Patel
Business
  • Barrister 
  • Politician 
  • Agitator
Awards Bharat Ratna

India's Iron Man, known as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel All India Service (All India Service - rajya karabharani being the originator of all non-military branches) as the "Patron Saint" also referred to the Indian civil service. Sardar was one of the first advocates of free trade and property rights in India.

Birth and family life

Vallabhbhai Zaverbhai Patel was born at his uncle's house in Nadiad - Gujarat. His actual date of birth was never recorded but he had written October 31 as his date of birth in his matriculation examination paper. He was the fourth son of Hindu father Zaverbhai and mother Ladba. He lived in Karamsad village of Kheda district where his father Zaverbhai had a farm. Somabhai, Narasimhabhai, and Vitthalbhai (who also went on to become politicians) were his elder brothers. 

He had a younger brother - Kashibhai and a younger sister - Dahiba. As a child, Vallabhbhai helped his father in the field and also fasted once in two months in which he did not consume food and water. At the age of 18, he got married to Zaverba, aged 18 or 19, living in a nearby village. Subject to custom, the wife remained at her father's house until the husband could take over the responsibility of running the house by earning.

Vallabhbhai had to go to Nadiad, Petlad, and Borsad to complete his schooling where he lived independently with other boys. He developed his famous austere temperament - according to a folktale, he broke a boil that had befallen him without any hesitation, which made even the barber tremble. 

When Vallabhbhai passed the matriculation examination at the age of 7, his parents did not recognize him as an ambitious person but believed that he would do a simple job or business. But Vallabhbhai had his own plan - to study law, save money by working and become a barrister in England. Vallabhbhai, separated from his family for years and asked for books from other lawyers, studied in his own way and passed the examination in two years. 

Bringing Zaverba from his pier, he started his domestic life in Godhra and enrolled in the bar (bar) there. In the many years it took him to save money, he gained a reputation as an intense and skilled lawyer. His wife Zaverba gave birth to two children - Maniben in 1908 and Dahyabhai in 1908.

In Gujarat when the bubonic plagueVallabhbhai also took care of one of his friends during the terror, but when he contracted the disease, he immediately sent his family to a safe place and left the house and went to an empty house in Nadiad (according to another account, he was in a dilapidated temple at that time). Spent) where they slowly recovered. 

Vallabhbhai, while practicing law in Godhra, Borsad, and Anand, also took up the financial responsibility of his Karamsad-based farm. When he collected enough money to go to England to study, he booked a license to go there as well as a ticket which was his V. J. Patel's short name came to his elder brother Vitthalbhai Patel.

Vitthalbhai also had plans to go to England to study and so he rebuked his younger brother Vallabhbhai saying that it would not be good for the elder brother to go after the younger brother and then Vallabhbhai let his elder brother go in his place keeping in view the family's reputation in the society. He raised his older brother's expenses in England and also began saving for his own cause.

In 1908, Vallabhbhai's wife Zaverba was admitted to a large hospital in Mumbai for cancer surgery. His condition suddenly deteriorated and he died at the hospital despite the success of the immediate surgery. Vallabhbhai was cross-examining a witness in the court when he was given the news of his wife's death. According to others who witnessed the incident, Vallabhbhai read it and slipped it into his pocket, and continued the cross-examination of the witness and they won the case. 

He passed the news on to others. Vallabhbhai decided not to remarry. He raised his children with the help of his family and sent them to an English medium school in Mumbai. At the age of 7, he moved to England and LondonEnlisted at Middle Temple Inn. Despite not having any experience of studying in college, he finished the 6-month course in 20 months and came first in the class. Returning to India, he settled in Ahmedabad and became a reputed barrister in the city. 

He wore European-style clothing and maintained decent manners, and he became an expert in the sport of bridge. He had ambitions in which he had to raise a lot of money from his advocacy to give his children a modern education. He had an agreement with his elder brother Vitthalbhai through which his elder brother would step down as a politician in the Mumbai Presidency and at that time Vallabhbhai would fulfill the responsibilities of the house. 

Freedom struggle

Respecting the insistence of friends, Vallabhbhai contested the elections and in 1918 he was elected as the officer of the sanitation department of Ahmedabad city. He did not have much interest in politics, despite his differences with British officials. After hearing about Mohandas Gandhi, he jokingly told Mavalankar that "we will ask if weaving pebbles out of wheat and this will bring freedom to the country". But Gandhiji when Champaranya Vallabhbhai was very impressed when he insulted the British Empire for the exploited peasants of the area. 

Contrary to the prevailing style of Indian politics at the time, Gandhiji wore Indian-style clothing and encouraged the use of the mother tongue instead of English, which was the intuitive language of Indian intellectuals. Vallabhbhai was particularly drawn to Gandhiji's tendency to take concrete action - in which he condemned the arrest of political leader Anne Bassant and asked the volunteers to march peacefully to meet him.

In his speech in Borsad in September 1917, Vallabhbhai called on Indians across the country to join Gandhiji's petition for Swaraj from the British. A month later, after meeting Gandhiji at the Gujarat Political General Assembly in Godhra and receiving encouragement from him, Vallabhbhai became the secretary of the Gujarat Sabha, which was later transformed into the Gujarati branch of the Indian National Congress.

Vallabhbhai had now started fighting vigorously against the forced labor of Europeans by the 'With' Indians and had started taking steps to alleviate the plague and drought in the Kheda district. 

The British government had turned down the request for tax relief to the farmers of the Kheda district and so Gandhiji agreed to fight against it. He could not lead the fight as he was busy in Champaranya and so when he called on a Gujarati activist to dedicate himself to this work, Vallabhbhai voluntarily put forward his name which pleased Gandhiji.

Although he hastened the decision, Vallabhbhai later said that he was too self-conscious before reaching his decision to pursue that desire and commitment, as he had to give up his advocacy career and material ambitions. 

Satyagraha of Gujarat

With the help of Congress volunteers like Narhari Parikh, Mohanlal Pandya, and Abbas Tayyabji, Vallabhbhai again noted the grief and hardships of the villagers in the villages of the Kheda district and asked them to join the statewide uprising without paying taxes to the British government. He emphasized the need for full unity in the face of potential difficulties and non-violence against provocation. They received a happy response from almost every village.

When the rebellion was declared and the tax was not paid, the British government sent police and threatened patrols to seize the property, the cattle in the stable as well as the entire farm. 

Vallabhbhai formed a team of volunteers who could help the residents of each village to hide their valuables and protect themselves in police raids. Thousands of activists and farmers were arrested, but Patel was not taken, prisoner. The uprising garnered sympathy and praise from all over India, and the faction also included pro-British politicians.

The British government agreed to an agreement with Vallabhbhai and had to agree not to pay taxes for the year and to reduce the rate. After this incident, Patel emerged as a hero for Gujaratis and was praised all over India. 

In 190, he was elected as the chairman of the newly formed Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee, which he held till 19.

In support of Gandhiji's non-cooperation movement, Vallabhbhai traveled across the state, recruited 3 lakh members, and raised a fund of Rs. 15 lakh. He helped to make Holi of English items in Ahmedabad and threw all his English-style clothes in it. He continued to wear full khadi with his daughter Maniben and son Dahyabhai. Vallabhbhai also supported Gandhiji's decision to stop the non-cooperation movement immediately after the Chauri Chaura incident. 

During the years that followed, she worked extensively in Gujarat against alcohol abuse, untouchability, and caste discrimination, and in favor of women's rights.

In the Congress, he remained a staunch supporter of Gandhiji against the Swaraj critics. Vallabhbhai was elected as the Chairman of Ahmedabad Reforms on the 19th, 18th, and 19th and during his tenure, Ahmedabad was given an important additional power supply, drastic reforms were made in the school system and the entire city was covered in its water and waste export system. 

He led a relief operation to alleviate the loss of life and property in Ahmedabad city and Kheda district in the floods caused by the torrential rains in. He opened centers for the homeless in the district - providing food, medicine, and clothing, and recruiting volunteers to raise immediate funds from the government and the community. 

When Gandhiji was in jail in 1915, the Congressmen asked Sardar Patel to lead a satyagraha in Nagpur against the law not to hoist the Indian flag. Vallabhbhai gathered thousands of volunteers from all over the country and organized a flag salute. He negotiated the release of the detainees and arranged for the nationalists to salute the flag in public. Later that year, Vallabhbhai and his activists gathered evidence that the government was trying to impose additional taxes to fight the bandits. 

Meanwhile, the police met with local bandits in Borsad taluka. More than 3,000 people gathered to listen to Vallabhbhai's speech and supported the proposed protest movement against the additional tax, which was deemed unnecessary and unethical. Vallabhbhai gathered thousands of Congress workers and started exchanging instructions between the surrounding talukas. Every village in the taluka resisted paying taxes and united to prevent the land and property from coming under government control. 

After a long struggle, the government agreed to withdraw the extra tax. Historians believe that Vallabhbhai's main role in this struggle was to bring together people of different castes who came from different social and economic backgrounds and to build harmony and trust between them.

Vallabhbhai relinquished his responsibilities of reforming Ahmedabad on April 19 and rejoined the independence movement when there was a severe drought in Bardoli and huge tax hikes. Although most of Gujarat was hit by drought, the tax hike was even higher than the earlier hike in the Kheda district. After warning the villagers of the impending difficulties and emphasizing non-violence and unity, he declared a satyagraha - a complete boycott of taxpayers.

Vallabhbhai organized volunteers, camps, and the exchange of information in the respective areas. This time the response was more than the tax boycott satyagraha in the Kheda district and other satyagrahas were organized across the state with sympathetic support. 

Despite arrests and confiscations of land and property, the Satyagraha gained momentum. By August, the situation had reached its climax, and Vallabhbhai, through the mediation of a sympathetic Parsi serving in the Mumbai government, agreed to an agreement by which the tax hike was withdrawn, and the government officials who resigned in favor of Satyagraha were re-appointed and the land confiscated.

Property returned. During and after the victory in this Bardoli Satyagraha, Vallabhbhai started being addressed by more and more people as 'Sardar'. 

Sardar Patel said at the time of the partition of India, "Cowardice is our weakness, keep fifty-six chests against the enemy." We all know that there were differences between Sardar and Nehru on the Kashmir issue. At the time of the partition of the country, when the British government left power, Lord Mountbatten advised the Maharaja of Kashmir to merge into one of the Hindi Sangh or Pakistan, which was ignored by King Harisinhji.

The Maharaja made some agreements with Pakistan but did not make a formal alliance so Pakistan became angry and stopped all dealings with Kashmir. 

At this time Kashmir turned to India for necessities of life and Pakistan felt that Kashmir would slip out of their hands and slip to India, and under this threat, Pakistan began to terrorize on the border of Kashmir.

On October 5, Pakistan launched a massive offensive, and its troops From Srinagar were About 3 km. Reached far.

In this crisis, Maharaja Harisinhji approached the Sardar. The chiefs were waiting for any such invitation. 

He immediately sent Menon on a plane to Jammu and the Maharaja signed a pact with the Hindi Sangh and sought military help. Uji was ordered to declare his victory, but that evening the Indian army stormed. The Pakistani army had to retreat after a fierce battle, but the Kashmir issue could not be resolved between the two governors-general and the two prime ministers. The two governments demanded the withdrawal of the opposing army before taking any decision, but due to the stubbornness of both, no decision could be reached there either. 

Suggested surrendering to the United Nations. In the end, on the advice of Lord Mountbatten, the Indian government decided to take up the Kashmir issue with the United Nations. Gandhiji was not happy with the decision to take the quarrel to an outside organization, warning that "it will only bring monkey justice." 

Congress leadership

After the signing of the Gandhi-Irwin Agreement, Sardar was elected President at the 191st Congress session in Karachi, where the Congress ratified an agreement that would uphold fundamental rights and human liberties, the concept of a secular state, and the abolition of the minimum wage.

When Gandhiji started the Dandi Satyagraha, Sardar was arrested from Ras village and tried in the absence of witnesses, lawyers, or journalists. With the arrest of Sardar and then Gandhiji, the Satyagraha gained momentum and the districts of Gujarat launched an anti-tax movement till the two were released. After his release from jail, Sardar became the interim Congress president but was soon re-arrested while leading a procession in Mumbai. 

The Sardar, using his position, planned to return the confiscated land to the farmers of Gujarat. After the failure of the Round Table Conference in London, the independence movement was revived and on January 17, Gandhiji and Sardar were arrested and kept in Yerawada Jail. During his imprisonment, a bond of affection, trust, and openness was formed between Sardar and Gandhiji which can be described as the brotherhood between elder brother Gandhiji and his younger brother Sardar. Despite the Sardar's frequent arguments with Gandhiji, he had respect for Gandhiji's instincts and leadership. 

During his imprisonment, he discussed both national and social issues, read Hindu epics, and told humorous jokes. Gandhiji also taught him the Sanskrit language. Gandhiji's secretary Mahadev Desai kept a detailed note of the conversation between the two. When Gandhiji went on a fast unto death in protest of the constituency being given to the Harijans separately, the Sardar supervised them and he joined the fast by giving up food. 

The Sardar was later transferred to Nashik Jail where he did not accept the offer of the British government to release him for a few days to attend his funeral after the death of his elder brother Vitthalbhai in 1917.

In the 19th and 19th, Sardar led the Congress campaign for the All India Elections in which he raised money, selected candidates, and fixed the Congress' stance on issues and rivals. Although he did not stand for election, he provided guidance to other Congressmen in winning provincial as well as national elections. Despite undergoing surgery for hemorrhoids. 

In the 19th century, he provided guidance in the relief efforts against plague and famine in Bardoli. He continued to guide the Congress ministers who won the elections, thereby maintaining discipline in the party. The Sardar feared that the British would spare no effort to sow discord among the elected Congressmen, which would distract the elected Congressmen from the goal of complete self-government. During the 19th Congress session, differences arose with Nehru over his declaration of adoption of socialism. 

In the 19th century, the then Congress President Subhash Chandra BoseSardar, along with other Congressmen, opposed Gandhiji's attempt to deviate from the principles of non-violence. They believed Bose was a dictator and wanted to dominate the party. Sardar protested against senior Congress leaders, which led to Bose's resignation. But he faced criticism from Bose's supporters, socialists, and other Congressmen, who said that Patel himself was acting like a dictator to defend Gandhiji's authority.

Quit India Movement

7With Gandhiji's moral opposition to the war, he was not in favor of supporting the British government in any way, while Subhash Chandra Bose formed a military front against the British. The British rejected Rajagopalachari's initiative and the Sardar again accepted Gandhiji's leadership.

He participated in Gandhiji's call for personal non-cooperation and was arrested in 190 for 3 months. When World War II broke out, Sardar went against Gandhiji's opinion and supported Nehru's decision to withdraw Congress from the Central and Provincial Legislative Assemblies. Meanwhile, he also supported the initiative.

He also opposed the instructions given to the 19th Cripps Mission. During this time he lost about 5 kg in jail. Initially, when Nehru, Rajagopalachari, and Maulana Azad criticized Gandhiji's call for the British to leave India, Sardar was an ardent supporter. He argued that just as the British withdrew from Singapore and Burma, so too would they withdraw from India and that the withdrawal from India should begin immediately. 

Although the British were aware that they would not leave India immediately, the sardars were in favor of an open uprising because they believed that such an uprising would provoke and unite people divided into different approaches to world war. According to him, one of the advantages of open rebellion was that it made the British government believe that their rule had no support in India and that they should expedite the transfer of power to the Indians. As he had full faith in the uprising, Sardar also expressed his desire to resign from the Congress if he did not get support from the Congress. 

Gandhi pressured the All India Congress Committee to accept the mutiny, which resulted in the Committee approving the Non-Cooperation Movement on 7 August 1942. Despite his deteriorating health during his imprisonment, Sardar delivered emotional speeches to large communities across India.

In which he asked the people to join the non-cooperation movement without paying taxes and to stop the charter services by organizing mass protests. 

He raised money and raised second-line administrators against the threat of arrest of national leaders. August 7 speech to more than 100,000 people in the field in Mumbai, Patel said govaliya tank:

"The governor of Burma boasts in London that he left Burma after all was found in the dust, so do you promise us the same thing? You call the government established in Burma a puppet of the Japanese in your radio broadcasts and in the press? So how is your Delhi government? When France was losing to the Nazis in the middle of the war, Mr Churchill proposed his co-ordination with England. And that proposal was, of course, an example of motivated diplomacy. But when it comes to India? No no Constitutional changes during the war?

You can't even think about it ... The goal this time is to make India happy before the Japanese come and be ready to fight them if they come. They (the British) will capture the leaders, will capture all the leaders. And then it will be the duty of every Indian to try his best within the limits of non-violence. All sources should be used, No weapon should be left. This opportunity will come once in a lifetime. ”

Historians believe that Sardar's speech was instrumental in inciting nationalists to view the proposed uprising with suspicion. Also, historians consider the Sardar's organizing work during this period to be the main reason behind the success of the revolt across India. The Sardar was arrested on 9 August and was held captive in the Ahmednagar Fort caravan along with the entire Congress Working Committee from 19 to 19. There they spun clothes, played bridge games, read a large number of books, went for long walks, and worked in the garden. 

He provided emotional support to his colleagues as they awaited developments in outside news and activities. He was saddened to hear the news of the deaths of Mahadev Desai and Kasturba. Sardar wrote to his daughter in a paper that he as well as his colleagues were experiencing "complete peace" as he had fulfilled "his duty".

Despite opposition from other political parties to the movement, as well as the British government's tough stance on suppressing the movement, the Quit India Movement was "the most serious uprising since the 19th Uprising," according to a telegram sent by the Viceroy to Winston Churchill. 

More than a million people were arrested and thousands were killed in police firing. Strikes, pickets, and other revolutionary activities spread across India. When Zachary Sardar was released on 16 June 19, he learned that the British were working on a proposal to hand over power to the Indians.

Independence, unification, and Gandhiji's role

In the 19th Congress presidential election, Sardar withdrew his candidature in favor of Nehru. The significance of this election was that the president to be elected was to be the leader of the first government of independent India. When Gandhiji asked the representatives of 14 states and the Congress to nominate a suitable candidate, 14 out of 18 representatives suggested the name Sardar. However, respecting Gandhiji's wishes, Sardar missed the opportunity to become the first Prime Minister of India. 

In the role of Home Minister, he unified India under the central system, but only because Nehru, did full coordination of Jammu and Kashremainains. After Nehru was elected Congress President, Sardar began to direct the Congress' preparations for the general elections to the Constituent Assembly of India.

In the elections, Congress won a majority of seats from the Hindu constituency, but the Muslim League, led by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, won a majority of seats from the Muslim constituency. 

The Muslim League declared its demand for Pakistan in 1940 and was a fierce critic of Congress. Except for Sindh, Punjab, and Bengal, where he formed a government in alliance with other parties, Congress formed a majority government in all other provinces.

Cabinet mission and division

When the British Mission proposed two separate plans for the devolution of power, both plans were opposed by Congress. As per the proposal of the plan dated 17th May, it was suggested that the Union of Separate States, in which each province should be given wide autonomy and the provinces should be grouped based on religious majority.

As per the proposal of the plan of 16 June, it was suggested that India should be divided based on religion and the 200 kingdoms should be given full independence or the option of joining either of the two states. 

The Muslim League approved both plans, while Congress vehemently rejected the June 15 plan. Criticizing the May 15 plan, Gandhi described it as divisive internally. However, the Sardar was aware that if the Congress rejected the plan, only the Muslim League would be invited to form the government and so the Sardar worked hard to persuade the Congress Working Committee to approve the May 15 plan.

He negotiated with British ambassadors, Sir Stafford Cripps and Lord Pathik Lawrence, assuring them that no concrete steps would be taken on the provision of collectivization, and at the same time persuaded Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, and Rajagopalacharya to approve the May 15 plan. 

When the Muslim League withdrew its approval for the May 12 plan, Viceroy Lord Wavell sent an invitation to Congress to form a government. Under Nehru's presidency, who was appointed vice-chairman of the Viceroy's Executive Committee, Sardar headed the Department of Home Affairs and Information and Broadcasting. They 1, Aurangzeb Road,

Sardar Patel was one of the few Congress leaders to adopt the partition of India as a solution to the Muslim separatist movement led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was disgusted by Jinnah's "Direct Action Day" which sparked sectarian violence across the country, as well as his Home Department's plan to end violence on constitutional grounds when the viceroy used his franchise to implement it. He slammed the viceroy's decision to allow Muslim League ministers to participate in government, as well as to recognize the provision of communication without congressional approval. 

When the Muslim League boycotted the assembly after coming to power and rejected the May 12 plan, the chief was outraged but knew that Jinnah had popular support from Muslims and that open conflict with Jinnah or nationalists would end the Hindu-Muslim conflict. Was likely to arise. According to Sardar, if a divided and weak government had existed, it would have been a further incentive for further partition of India and independence for the 200 princely states. During the months between December 15 and January 19, they signed the Government Charter V. P. Together with him, Menon suggested that Pakistan be built out of Muslim-majority provinces. 

The communal riots in Punjab and Bengal in January, as well as March 19, further convinced him the support the partition decision. Sardar strongly opposed Jinnah's demand that the Hindu-majority areas of Punjab, as well as Bengal, be included in Pakistan and prevented them from joining Pakistan by dividing the provinces.

The decisiveness shown by the Sardar for the partition of Punjab and Bengal won him many fans from the Indian masses who were fed up with the actions of the Muslim League, yet Gandhi, Nehru, non-sectarian Muslims as well as socialists criticized him for being hasty. 

When Lord Louis Mountbatten announced the proposal on 3rd June 19th, the chief approved it and persuaded Nehru and other Congress leaders to do the same. Aware of Gandhiji's deep anguish over the partition plan, he had private discussions with Gandhiji during private meetings about a possible inefficient treaty between the Congress and the Muslim League, the escalating violence, and the fear of civil war. When a meeting of the All India Congress Committee was called to vote on the plan, Sardar said:

And in this situation, I will choose an ideal Pakistan, which will make the Muslim League more responsible. Independence is coming. We have 5 to 70 per cent India which we will strengthen with our own talent. The rest of the country can be developed by the Muslim League.

After the plan was approved by Gandhiji as well as the Congress, Sardar represented India in the Partition Committee where under his supervision public wealth was distributed and he, along with Nehru, selected the members of the Indian Cabinet. Yet neither the Sardar nor any other Indian leader expected the escalating violence and mass displacement during the partition.

At that time, Sardar took the lead in providing essential necessities as well as organizing assistance. To maintain peace, they visited areas along the border with Pakistani leaders. 

Despite these efforts, between 3 lakh and 1 million people are estimated to have died and the combined number of refugees in the two countries is estimated at more than 1.5 crores. The Sardar knew that the Delhi as well as the Punjab police, who were accused of plotting attacks against Muslims, Those people were also affected by the tragic situation of the partition and so to normalize the situation he called in troops from South India and ordered them to impose strict curfew as well as shoot them there. 

In the Nizamuddin Aulia area of Delhi, where thousands of Muslims were at risk of being attacked, he went to the dargah to offer prayers and strengthen the police presence by meeting people. He stopped the news of atrocities against Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan from being published in the press to prevent retaliatory violence. To restore normalcy in the capital, Sardar set up a Delhi Emergency Committee and publicly urged the executives to refrain from bias as well as neglect. 

When the Sardar learned that a large group of Sikhs was planning to attack the Muslims heading for Pakistan, he hurried to Amritsar and met the Hindu and Sikh leaders. He argued that Ni: Attacking aid is cowardly as well as immoral and will increase attacks on Hindus and Sikhs coming to India from Pakistan.

He assured the leaders of the community that if they tried to maintain peace and restraint, and take care of the safety of Muslims, the Indian government would take stern action against its disregard by Pakistan. At the end of his meeting, when two lakh people surrounded his convoy, the chief who addressed him said:

And he should wait for the right time and situation for the fight as well as take special care while choosing its causes or place. Fighting with refugees is not a fight. Laws on human rights or fighting between members do not allow the killing of people seeking refuge and protection. Let there be a ceasefire for three months during which the exchange of refugees from both sides can be facilitated.

Such a ceasefire is recognized even under the laws of war. We take the initiative to break this interdependent sequence of attacks and counter-attacks. Try holding your hands for a week. Pave the way for the refugees with the help of your volunteers and let Pakistan allow the refugees to reach our border. " Let there be a ceasefire for three months during which the exchange of refugees from both sides can be facilitated.

Such a ceasefire is recognized even under the laws of war. We take the initiative to break this interdependent sequence of attacks and counter-attacks. Try holding your hands for a week. Pave the way for the refugees with the help of your volunteers and let Pakistan allow the refugees to reach our border. " Let there be a ceasefire for three months during which the exchange of refugees from both sides can be facilitated.

Such a ceasefire is recognized even under the laws of war. We take the initiative to break this interdependent sequence of attacks and counter-attacks. Try holding your hands for a week. Pave the way for the refugees with the help of your volunteers and let Pakistan allow the refugees to reach our border. "

After his dialogue with the community leaders as well as his speech, there were no new attacks on Muslims, and peace and order were restored throughout the region. However, his so-called desire for Muslims in the rest of India to leave India was criticized by Nehru and non-sectarian Muslims, and Gandhiji expressed his displeasure.

Although the Sardar vehemently denied such allegations, the allegations against Maulana Azad as well as other non-sectarian Muslim leaders intensified when the Sardar did not accept the demand for the dismissal of Delhi's Sikh Police Commissioner, who was accused of bias. 

On the one hand, Hindu and Sikh leaders were accusing the Sardar of not taking a tough stance against Pakistan, while on the other hand, Muslim leaders criticized the Sardar's so-called policy of ignoring the needs of Muslims going to Pakistan and providing more resources to Hindus and Sikhs coming to India.

Sardar Nehru and Azad had different views on the issue of the distribution of vacant houses to Muslims going to Pakistan. While Nehru and Azad believed that the houses should be divided among the homeless Muslims, the Sardar argued that any government that declared itself secular should not make such a distinction.

The political unification of India

Gandhiji told the Sardar that "the issue of states is so difficult that only you can solve it." The Sardar was regarded as a diplomat-politician with an honest and pragmatic decision-making ability who could carry out important tasks successfully.

The Sardar asked VP Menon, who was a senior government official and had worked with the Sardar during the Partition of India, to be his special aide to become the chief secretary in the state department. Under the June 2 plan, more than 200 princely states were allowed to either join India or Pakistan or gain independence.

Indian nationalists, as well as many sections of the public, feared that if these princely states were not coordinated, most of the masses, as well as the provinces, would be fragmented. The Congress as well as the upper English officials believed that the Sardar would be able to carry out the task of integrating the princely states into the state organization of India in an excellent manner. 

On May 5, the Sardar started talks with the kings and presented his case so that the kings would be willing to negotiate with the future government of India and vigilance would be taken to avoid possible conflicts. The Sardar invited most of the princes to the talks by inviting them for social visits as well as an informal atmosphere, such as dinner or tea at his home in Delhi.

During these meetings, he said that there was no fundamental conflict between the Congress and the Rajya Sabha. However, he stressed that on August 15, the princely states would have to coordinate with India in good faith. 

Sardar, provoking the patriotic sentiments of the princes, said that he should participate in the independence of his state like a responsible ruler who valued the future of his people. He had persuaded the three princes that it was impossible to remain independent of India by going against the sentiments of their people.

He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expense capital for the descendants of the princes. While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also kept open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19. 

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar. Sardar, provoking the patriotic sentiments of the princes, said that like a responsible ruler who valued the future of his people, he should participate in the independence of his state. He had persuaded the three princes that it was impossible to remain independent of India by going against the sentiments of their people. 

He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expense capital for the descendants of the princes. While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also left open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19.

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar. 

Sardar, provoking the patriotic sentiments of the princes, said that like a responsible ruler who valued the future of his people, he should participate in the independence of his state. He had persuaded the three princes that it was impossible to remain independent of India by going against the sentiments of their people. He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expense capital for the descendants of the princes. 

While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also kept open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19.

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar.

That those who value the future of their people should participate in the independence of their state. He had persuaded the three princes that it was impossible to remain independent of India by going against the sentiments of their people. 

He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expense capital for the descendants of the princes. While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also kept open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19.

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar. That those who value the future of their people should participate in the independence of their state. 

He had persuaded the three princes that it was impossible to remain independent of India by going against the sentiments of their people. He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expenditure capital for the descendants of the princes. While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also left open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19.

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar. 

He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expense capital for the descendants of the princes. While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also left open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19.

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar. 

He laid down favorable conditions against the prince for the merger which also provided for personal expense capital for the descendants of the princes. While inciting patriotism among the princes, the Sardar also kept open the option of resorting to force if necessary and set the last date for signing the merger documents as 15 August 19.

Except 7, all the other princely states merged with India, but only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not agree with the Sardar.

Junagadh was very important to Sardar as his hometown was Gujarat. Under the pressure of Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, the Nawab of Pakistan accepted the merger with Pakistan when it was far away from Pakistan and 80% of its people were Hindus. Sardar, while coordinating diplomacy and force, demanded from the Nawab that he should cancel the merger with Pakistan and coordinate with India. To prove his point, the government of Junagadh sent troops to take control of the following three territories. 

After the uprising and the formation of the Lok Sarkar, also known as the 'RG Hukumat', both the Bhuttos and the Nawab fled to Karachi, and on the orders of the Sardar, the Indian army and police troops marched into the state.

In a subsequent poll, 4.5 percent voted in favor of merging with India. Speaking at Bahauddin College in Junagadh after his conquest of Junagadh, Sardar described his eagerness for Hyderabad, which in his view was more important to India than Kashmir. He said:

"If Hyderabad ignores the writing on the wall, its situation will be similar to that of Junagadh. Pakistan tried to take Kashmir instead of Junagadh. When we suggested resolving the issue democratically, he (Pakistan) immediately replied that they were ready if we did so for Kashmir. Our response was that if you are ready for Hyderabad, we are ready for Kashmir. ” 

Hyderabad was the largest of all the princely states and included parts of present-day Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Maharashtra. The ruler Nizam Osman Ali Khan was a Muslim but 8% of the people were Hindus. The Nizam wanted independence or coordination with Pakistan. The Muslim forces under Qazi Razvi, known as Razakar, who were loyal to the Nizam, forced the Nizam to stand up against India and at the same time, along with the communist fighters, attacked the people living on Indian soil. After Lord Mountbatten's desperate attempt to avoid a fight, the Nizam continued to change his stance, rejecting the proposals, despite the stand still (as it were) agreement.

In a cabinet meeting on September 18, Sardar stressed that India should not tolerate too much and persuaded Nehru and Chakravarti Rajagopalacharya to military action. After preparations, while Nehru was on a trip to Europe, Sardar, as the caretaker Prime Minister, directed the Indian Army to coordinate Hyderabad with India.

Operation Polo to the whole scheme was named after which thousands of Razakar Dal members died, but at the end of which Hyderabad was completely dissolved in India. The motive behind not using the force of Lord Mountbatten and Nehru was to avoid Hindu-Muslim violence, but the Sardar was adamant that if Hyderabad had been allowed to continue its maneuvering, the government's reputation would have been tarnished and no Hindu or Muslim would have felt safe under his rule. After defeating the Nizam, the Sardar negotiated with him to allow him to remain as the formal president of the state. 

Leadership of India

Governor-General Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Nehru as well as Sardar A Trimurti together took charge of India from 17 to 180. When Prime Minister Nehru was very popular among the masses, Sardar enjoyed the confidence and loyalty of ordinary Congress workers, state leaders as well as the Indian Civil Service.

Sardar played the role of a senior leader in the Indian Constituent Assembly and made important contributions to the drafting of the Indian Constitution. Dr. He was instrumental in appointing Babasaheb Ambedkar as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee as well as in involving leaders of various political persuasions in the process of drafting the Constitution. 

Sardar was the chairman of various committees which included committees on minorities, tribes as well as excluded areas, fundamental rights as well as regional constitutions. Sardar introduced an exemplary constitution for the regional constitution in which the governor would be given narrow powers and would have to take suggestions from the president.

Sardar clarified that he did not intend to give the governor the power to dismiss the elected government. He worked hard to bring together Muslim leaders to end the strong demand for separate constituencies as well as reserved seats for minorities.

He met other minority leaders and was responsible for taking steps to ensure that the President appoints a representative of Anglo-Indian origin in Parliament. Chartered officers could stay away from the political arena as well as their intervention in the two constitutional clauses outlining their limitations and facilities remained important.

He is known as the 'Patron Saint' of the Indian Services as he was instrumental in the establishment of the Indian Civil Service as well as the Indian Police Service, as well as in trying to keep the civil servants away from the political maelstrom. When a delegation of Gujarati farmers came and told them that the farmers couldn't deliver milk to the market for sale without being deceived by the middlemen, Sardar asked them to process the milk as well as sell it themselves and provide guidance for setting up Kyra District Cooperative Milk Producers Union Limited. This union later came to be known as Amul Milk Producers Union.

Somnath Temple, an ancient but dilapidated temple in SaurashtraHe undertook the task of rebuilding Na and formed a public body under his supervision. The renovation work of the temple was completed after his death and it was inaugurated by the then President Dr. Rajendra Prasad.

When Pakistan invaded Kashmir on September 15, Sardar immediately sent troops there. But agreeing with Nehru as well as Mountbatten, he waited until the king of Kashmir accepted the merger with India. The Indian fighters then recaptured Srinagar, Baramulla Pass, and many other areas from the invaders under the supervision of the Sardar.

Sardar, along with Defense Minister Baldev Singh, managed the entire operation, which included speeding troops from different parts of India to Kashmir and paving the way for the use of troops connecting Srinagar and Pathankot in six months. Sardar strongly advised Nehru not to go to the United Nations for the Kashmir issue and insisted that Pakistan had done wrong by supporting the invaders and that the merger agreements made by the King of Kashmir with India were legal and valid. They did not want international interference in bilateral affairs.

He was also against the payment of Rs 2 crore to Pakistan during the partition and believed that if the money was given, Pakistan would use it in the fight against India in Kashmir. The Cabinet also accepted his view but Gandhiji feared that not giving the amount would lead to mutual revenge as well as more communal riots and so he went on a death fast and had the amount paid.

When Gandhiji disregarded his advice as well as the decision of the cabinet, he did not dissociate himself from Sardar Gandhiji but he was very saddened by it. The Cabinet also accepted his view but Gandhiji feared that not giving the amount would lead to mutual revenge as well as more communal riots and so he went on a death fast and had the amount paid. When Gandhiji disregarded his advice as well as the decision of the cabinet, he did not dissociate himself from Sardar Gandhiji but he was very saddened by it.

The Cabinet also accepted his view but Gandhiji feared that not giving the amount would lead to mutual revenge as well as more communal riots and so he went on a death fast and had the amount paid. When Gandhiji disregarded his advice as well as the decision of the cabinet, he did not dissociate himself from Sardar Gandhiji but he was very saddened by it.

The crisis erupted in the 19th century when the number of refugees from East Pakistan in West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura surpassed 3 lakh.

In many cases, the refugees were forcibly deported by the Pakistani government and faced threats and violence. Nehru invited the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan, for a peaceful solution. The Sardar held talks with Khan against his will. Sardar, however, criticized Nehru's intention to sign an agreement to set up a commission for minorities in both countries and to guarantee the safety of minorities living in both countries.

Shyam Prasad Mukherjee as well as K. C. Two Bengali ministers, Miyagi, resigned in protest, and Nehru's so-called policy of recognizing Pakistan's unreasonable demands was sharply criticized in West Bengal. Contracts were immediately jeopardized. But the Sardar then came to Nehru's aid and delivered emotional speeches in favor of the agreement against the members of Parliament and the people of West Bengal and persuaded many delegations such as Congress workers, Hindus and Muslims, and other public interest groups to give him a chance at last peace efforts.

The agreement was ratified within a year and most of the Hindu refugees returned to East Pakistan.

Gandhiji's death and his relationship with Nehru

Sardar was very loyal to Gandhiji and both he and Nehru went to Gandhiji to resolve their differences. The Sardar and Nehru often clashed over national issues. When Nehru claimed control of the Kashmir policy, the Sardar protested against the neglect of his Home Department officials.

Nehru resented Nehru's decisions regarding the unification of the states, which he did not involve either Nehru or his cabinet. The Sardar knew that he was not as young as Nehru and not as popular as him and so he requested Gandhiji to free himself from executive responsibilities. He believed that an open political battle would hurt India.

After thorough deliberation and consultation, contrary to the Sardar's expectation, Gandhiji on January 30, 19 forbade him to leave the government. According to Gandhiji, independent India needed both Sardar and Nehru.

On the day of Gandhiji's death, Sardar was the last person to speak to him in private, and a few minutes after his departure, Gandhiji was attacked. After Gandhiji's death, Patel and Nehru met each other beside his earthly body to pay homage to him and address the nation together. Sardar consoled many of his comrades as well as friends after which they immediately took steps to curb possible violence.

In the badge month of Gandhiji's death, the Sardar suffered a heart attack but survived due to the timeliness of his daughter as well as his chief secretary and Pariyarika. Sardar later said that he had suffered a heart attack due to Gandhiji's demise. 

Criticism of the media as well as other politicians for failing to protect Gandhiji arose for the Sardar's Home Department. As he was emotionally exhausted, Sardar resigned and took the initiative to leave the government. The Sardar's secretary was convinced that his resignation would create a favorable situation for political enemies as well as political conflict in India and so he persuaded the Sardar against sending a letter of resignation.

However, Nehru sent a letter to the Sardar in which he denied any differences as well as any desire to remove his Sardar from the government. He reminded the Sardar of his 40-year participation in the freedom struggle and said that the rift between the two was inherent after Gandhiji's death. Nehru, Rajagopalachari, and other Congressmen publicly defended Sardar and due to the impact of all this, Sardar expressed confidence in Nehru's leadership and denied that there was any difference between the two.

Sardar also declared that he had no desire to become the Prime Minister. Although the two had adopted a policy of co-leadership in the functioning of the Congress party as well as non-interference in each other's work, they criticized each other's policies in other matters, including the merger of Hyderabad and UN mediation in Kashmir. When the Chinese invaded Tibet in 180, Nehru did not accept the chief's recommendation to send aid there and expel the Portuguese from Goa by military force.

While in 190, Dr. Nehru was in favor of Rajagopalachari. When Rajendra Prasad was forced to reject his appointment application to become the first President of India, he faced opposition from the party because the party felt that Nehru was thwarting his wishes.

Nehru then sought the help of the Sardar to win the confidence of the Congress workers but the Sardar refused to help him and Dr. Prasad was elected. As a contender for the Congress presidency in 1905, Nehru favored Jivatram Kripalani over Purshottamdas Tandon, a conservative Hindu leader, and threatened to resign if Kripala did not win the election.

Rejecting Nehru's vote, Sardar backed Tandon in Gujarat, which is why Kripalani, who is from Gujarat, did not get a single vote. The Sardar believed that Nehru had to understand that his vote was not a law for the Congress, but when Nehru felt that he had lost the party's trust, the Sardar himself persuaded Nehru to resign. 

Death

On March 6, the authorities lost contact with the plane in which the Sardar and his daughter Maniben and the Maharaja of Patiala were traveling. The pilot had to make an emergency landing in the desert region of Rajasthan due to engine failure. No one was harmed on the occasion and the Sardar walked with other pilgrims to a nearby village and informed the local authorities.

When the Sardar arrived in Delhi, he was warmly welcomed by thousands of Congress workers as well as ministers in Parliament stood up and greeted him with a long round of applause which led to the adjournment of Parliament for half an hour.

In the later years of his life, Sardar was honored by Parliament as well as an honorary doctorate from the University of the Punjab and Osmania University. 

Sardar's health deteriorated during the summer of 190. He later started coughing up blood and Maniben then reduced his talks as well as working hours and arranged for personal medical help and attendants to look after the chief. Bidhan Roy, the governor of West Bengal and a doctor, heard the Sardar joking about his inevitable end, and during a private meeting, the Sardar did not mention his ministerial colleague.

Gadgil openly said that he would not live long. From the second of November, that is, when the chiefs were frequently cleansed, their movements were confined to their beds. 

On December 17, when he met his Mumbai-based son, On December 12, 190, he suffered a massive heart attack (his second) which led to his death.

In an unprecedented and unique event that day, 1,500 officers of the Indian Civil Service and Police Service met at the Sardar's residence in Delhi to mourn his demise and pledged to serve India with "complete loyalty and unwavering zeal". The Sardar was cremated at the Sonapur Cemetery in Mumbai, attended by a large crowd, including Nehru, Rajagopalachari, and Rashtrapati Prasad. 

Criticism as well as legacy

Yet the Sardar alone is credited with uniting India as a nation on the eve of India's independence. He was applauded by many Indians for his outspokenness towards Hindu-Muslim relations as well as for his use of force in unifying India. He was praised by his opponents in the freedom struggle, such as Archibald Wavell, Cripps, Gothic Lawrence, and Mountbatten, for his leadership as well as his pragmatic ability.

Throughout his life, the Sardar faced criticism for his anti-Muslim rhetoric during the partition, as well as criticism of his immediate readiness for the partition of the country from Muslim nationalists such as Maulana Azad and Hindu nationalists. Sardar was criticized by Subhash Chandra Bose's supporters for deliberately sidelining and ignoring politicians who did not support Gandhiji.

Socialist politicians like Jai Prakash Narayan and Ashok Mehta criticized the Sardar for having close personal ties with Indian business families like the Birla and Sarabhai families. Some historians have criticized the steps taken by the chiefs at the time of the dissolution of the kingdoms as a violation of the right of self-determination of those states.

Many historians as well as his admirers like Rajendra Prasad as well as businessman J. R. D. Tata expressed the view that Sardar would have proved to be a better Prime Minister for India than Nehru. Critics of Nehru, as well as Sardar's admirers, cite Nehru's late acceptance of Sardar's recommendations for the annexation of Kashmir and the United Nations, as well as Goa by military force.

From the Sardar family after his death, Maniben lived in a flat in Mumbai for the rest of his life and often led the Sardar Patel Memorial Trust, which organizes prestigious annual Sardar Patel Memorial Lectures, as well as other charities. Dahyabhai was a businessman who was elected to the Lok Sabha in 190 as a Member of Parliament.

It is believed that for many decades after the Sardar's death, the Indian government, the national media as well as the Congress party were indifferent to praising and publicizing the Sardar's life and work. Yet the Sardar is regarded as a hero in Gujarat and the maintenance of his family home in his native Karamsad has been done in his memory. The Sardar was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest honor, in 191. October 31, which is Sardar's birthday, is celebrated nationally as Sardar Jayanti. 

The Sardar Patel National Monument was established at Moti Mahal, Ahmedabad in 1902 with a museum, an exhibition of his paintings, historical photographs, and a library containing important documents and books about him. The exhibition features the personal belongings of the Sardar as well as relics from different periods of his personal and political life.

Many public institutions in India are named after Sardar. Schemes covering dams on the Narmada river as well as its canals as well as hydropower plants -The Sardar Sarovar Dam has been renamed Sardar and the scheme has brought benefits of drinking water, electricity as well an increase in agricultural yields in the three states. 

Leading institutions in India like Sardar Vallabhbhai National Institute of Technology, Sardar Patel University, Sardar Patel Vidyalaya as well as Indian Police Service Training Academy have also been named after Sardar. Syed Jaffrey played the role of Sardar in Richard Attenborough's 18th film Gandhi.

In the 19th, Ketan Mehta made a film based on Sardar's biography in which famous Indian actor Paresh Rawal played the lead role. The film focuses on the period of the Sardar's life which included the leadership given by the Sardar till independence as well as the partition of India, the unification of India as well as the Sardar's relations with Gandhi, and Nehru.

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